More bullshit and delays fron evil Iran.
It is a waste of time to try to negotiate with Iran.
Google has illegally broken into my Blogs over 100 times. Google has edited and illegally deleted some of my content. Additionally, X, Meta, and Google are still censoring many people, including me. Elon Musk never fixed any of the evil censorship that Jack Dorsey and his team built into the X software. We do not have online freedom of speech.
More bullshit and delays fron evil Iran.
It is a waste of time to try to negotiate with Iran.

Canada’s history is a story of deep time and short seasons, of peoples who learned to live with a vast and varied land and, over centuries, created a political culture that seeks accommodation across difference. From Indigenous civilizations and fur-trade empires to confederation, continental war and peacekeeping, residential schools and reconciliation, resource booms and climate realities, the Canadian past has been shaped by encounters—sometimes cooperative, often coercive—between nations, empires, and communities.
Long before Europeans arrived, the territories that would become Canada were the homelands of diverse Indigenous peoples: First Nations, Inuit, and later the Métis. Archaeological evidence and oral histories trace millennia of habitation—Paleo-Indian hunters on the plains at sites like Head-Smashed-In Buffalo Jump; complex coastal societies of the Pacific Northwest with monumental cedar architecture and totem carving; agricultural Haudenosaunee (Iroquois) villages in the St. Lawrence and Great Lakes with longhouses and palisades; Anishinaabe and Cree nations moving with the seasons across the Shield; Inuit cultures adapting to Arctic sea ice with kayaks, umiaks, dog teams, and sophisticated knowledge of marine ecology.
These societies developed rich political institutions—Haudenosaunee confederacies with codified laws; potlatch economies on the coast that redistributed wealth; vast trade networks carrying copper, obsidian, tobacco, and stories across the continent. Land was not empty; it was relational, governed by responsibilities among people, animals, and places. That sense of relationship, expressed in treaties and protocols, would later collide with European conceptions of sovereignty and property.
The late fifteenth and sixteenth centuries brought fishermen from Portugal, France, England, and the Basque country to the rich cod banks off Newfoundland. Seasonal camps grew along the coasts; exchange began almost immediately—metal tools and cloth for furs and local knowledge. Jacques Cartier sailed up the St. Lawrence in the 1530s, encountering St. Lawrence Iroquoians at Stadacona and Hochelaga; attempts at settlement failed. A century later, permanent colonization took root as Samuel de Champlain founded Québec (1608), anchoring New France.
The colony’s lifeblood was the fur trade, which required Indigenous sovereignty and participation. Wendat (Huron) confederates, Algonquins, and Innu forged alliances with the French; Jesuit missionaries followed, recording ethnographies that are invaluable—and deeply partial—windows into seventeenth-century life. Epidemics and conflict devastated some Indigenous nations, while new blocs formed and reformed in response to trade and firearms. The Haudenosaunee, supplied by Dutch and then British traders at Albany, pressed west and north during the Beaver Wars, reshaping the interior.
By the late 1600s, New France stretched thinly along rivers from the Gulf of St. Lawrence through the Great Lakes to the Mississippi. A seigneurial system parcelled riverfront farms; habitants grew wheat and raised families; coureurs de bois carried packs across portages; and forts like Frontenac, Detroit, and Louisbourg linked imperial ambitions to local rivalries. New France was never populous—tens of thousands, not millions—but it cast a long commercial shadow.
The eighteenth century turned the St. Lawrence basin and the Atlantic seaboard into a theatre of European war. After the Treaty of Utrecht (1713), Britain gained Hudson Bay posts and Acadia (present-day Nova Scotia), though the French-speaking Acadians remained. Mi’kmaq and Wabanaki peoples navigated among empires to protect homelands. In 1755, as tensions rose, British authorities deported thousands of Acadians—the Grand Dérangement—scattering families across the Atlantic world and to Louisiana (origin of the Cajuns).
The global Seven Years’ War (1756–1763) culminated in North America with Wolfe and Montcalm’s deaths on the Plains of Abraham (1759) and the fall of Québec; Montréal capitulated in 1760. The Treaty of Paris (1763) transferred New France to Britain, birthing British North America. To stabilize relations in the interior, the Royal Proclamation of 1763 recognized Indigenous title west of the Appalachians and reserved lands for Indigenous nations unless ceded by treaty. That framework would shape later numbered treaties and remains foundational in Canadian law.
Britain faced another challenge almost immediately: the American Revolution (1775–1783). Quebecois largely stayed neutral or loyal; the Continental Army briefly invaded but found little support. The war’s end reconfigured the map: the United States emerged to the south, and tens of thousands of Loyalists—English, Scottish, Irish, German, Black Loyalists (some emancipated for service), and Haudenosaunee allies—migrated to Nova Scotia and the St. Lawrence–Great Lakes region. To accommodate them, Britain created New Brunswick (1784) and split the Province of Quebec into Upper and Lower Canada with the Constitutional Act of 1791, establishing elected assemblies alongside appointed councils.
In the wake of alliance with the British, the Haudenosaunee under Joseph Brant settled along the Grand River; Black communities founded settlements like Birchtown and later Africville. The War of 1812 against the United States, fought across the Detroit frontier, Niagara, and the Atlantic, reinforced British-Canadian identity and Indigenous military power—Tecumseh and the Western Confederacy were decisive—yet the postwar treaties pushed many Indigenous nations westward or constrained them within shrinking reserves.
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— Tom -🇺🇸 🇺🇸- I follow back Patriots (@TomNo1Patriot) October 17, 2025
Hello .@sundarpichai
I just BUSTED .@YouTube censoring my comment again.
You are doing this to many Conversatives/ Republicans.
It says Zero comments because only I can see my comment. Google / YouTube think that they are clever, yet I am still able to BUST them. pic.twitter.com/eZ12fqHWmN
Have you ever considered that everything you know—the planets, stars, galaxies, and even you—might actually exist inside an enormous black hole?
What if the universe we call home is merely the interior of a cosmic leviathan, swallowing light from another reality we can never directly observe? For decades, black holes have captured our imagination as cosmic monsters devouring everything in their path, where even light cannot escape their gravitational clutches.
Recent discoveries are forcing scientists to consider an extraordinary possibility: that our entire universe might itself be a black hole. This isn't science fiction, it's a serious scientific hypothesis with growing evidence behind it.